The global pandemic known as COVID-19 unleashed a crisis of sorts for U.S. counterterrorism professionals. To no one’s surprise, terrorists are seeking to exploit the global pandemic crisis. Bridget Johnson, a security expert asserts, “Terrorists are looking at ways to take advantage of instability, increase recruitment and sympathizers among the vulnerable and terrified, and encourage conventional and biological attacks.”[1] This post addresses several important questions. First, how and in what ways have terrorists, most notably the Al Shabab, Al Qaeda Central (AQC), and the Islamic State (ISIS), attempted exploit the coronavirus which originated in Wuhan, China? Second, what is the U.S. counterterrorism response to potential and actual threats to American domestic and external interests?
COVID-19 And The New Terrorist Threat Matrix
AQC and ISIS are using the period of the COVID-19 pandemic to increase and deploy a new terrorist threat matrix that threatens to further destabilize coalition governments across Africa and multiple states in parts of the Middle East.
What are the components of the AQC and ISIS terrorist threat matrix? It is important to note that a terrorist threat matrix represents the collective analysis of terrorist threats, soft and hard targets, the use of cyberspace, and a comprehensive analysis of the terrorists groups that seek to attack or foment instability with a state, region, or may have the means to undermine international security.
The threat matrix is a multi-pronged strategy and enlists multiple terrorist activities working in concert or as individual groups to attack states around the world. Some two-years into the war on terrorism governments around the world were incessantly concerned about affiliates of Al Qaeda working with each other or with the AQC. An earlier less threatening version of this matrix reared its head principally in East Africa as Al Qaeda and one of its affiliates, Al Shabab, joined forces to attack their enemies.
The current terror matrix is far more threatening. This matrix includes Al Qaeda Central and the Islamic State, the dominant terrorist organizations which were formally mortal enemies. There is something equally unsettling, the affiliates of both transnational entities are also directly participating with their loyal regional affiliates in parts of Africa during the period of COVID-19.
The use of the affiliates of both transnational entities represents a critical instrument of war in so far as they have launched multi-pronged attacks across of West Africa. This approach has thus far proven affective because it potentially threatens the already stretched resources of states in the region.
Another component is both AQC and ISIS recognize the threat posed by the pandemic to their fighters. However, each entity recognizes the opportunity afforded to their Islamic groups (and their affiliates) and the prize—Africa. There is another major objective: the “opportunity to win over more supporters and strike their Western enemies while they are weakened and distracted.”[2]
Quietly, The Islamic State announced a strategic plan to use the pandemic to their advantage. In the plan, as listed in the al-Naba newsletter on 19 March urged “lone actors to capitalize on the paralysis and fear overtaking ‘crusader’ countries amid the pandemic, to show no mercy and to launch attacks in this time of crisis.”[3]
Both AQC and ISIS have been euphoric in watching the impact of the pandemic on the American economy. Al Qaeda has been more visible in their celebration. For example, “Al Qaeda lauded the economic impact of COVID-19 in bringing America’s surging economy to an abrupt halt—leading to the filing of millions of unemployment claims and a $2 trillion bailout package. Bleeding the American economy was always an aim of Al Qaeda; the financial cost of 9/11 and its aftermath was something Osama Bin Laden cited as one of his great successes.”[4]
A subsequent component of terror matrix calls for a massive effort of recruitment of members to AQC and ISIS. Both groups have engaged in major propaganda efforts against the West, with particular emphasis on the United States. As quoted in the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, Al Qaeda issued the following statement to enlist support in their long-standing grievances against the United States and the West: “The truth remains, whether we like it or not, that this pandemic is a punishment from the Lord of the Worlds for the injustice and oppression committed against Muslims specifically and mankind generally by the governments you elect.”[5]
In a second statement, Al Qaeda asserts, “O’ people of the Western World! You have seen with your own eyes the power and might of Allah exhibited in this weak, invisible soldier…. We invite you to reflect on the phenomenon that is COVID-19 and carefully consider its deeper causes.”[6]
Another critical component of the terror matrix is the joint decision by AQC and ISIS to target Africa. There are a host of reasons why these entities have designated Africa as the region of choice to unleash a new wave of terrorism in the era of the pandemic.
The pandemic threatens the stability of weak and failed states across Africa. Both AQC and ISIS believe “the pandemic also increases the likelihood of catastrophic state collapses.”[7] Thus, the transnational entities hope to prosper from a “myriad [of] opportunities for the Salafi-jihadi movement”[8] in Africa.
Both AQC and ISIS understand that such opportunities came to the fore during the Arab Spring and a similar vacuum will emerge as the pandemic passes from view. The Salafists also fervently believe that violence in the form of terrorist attacks will quicken the instability and delegitimization of local governments which would advance the agendas of extremist movements.
Al Qaeda and ISIS Join forces to Attack Africa
The Al Qaeda and Islamic State alliance continues to promote their new matrix. The alliance is redefining the battlespace to extent that they rely on launching multiple attacks against multiple states has made U.S. counterterrorism partners anxious about how and in what way to respond. Before addressing this issue is important to provide brief examination of some of the attacks that have unfolded in the region.
The AQC and ISIS alliance is responsible for multiple attacks in several countries. For example, Cameroon, Chad, Mozambique, and Nigeria have been targeted by loyal forces of AQC and ISIS. In Cameroon, seven died as a result of several “suspected Boko Haram suicide bombers which attacked” the village.[9] The deadliest terrorist attack in Chad’s history occurred on March 23, 2020. In that attack Al Qaeda targeted an army facility on Boma Peninsula, in the Lake Chad region. In this brazen assault Al Qaeda “killed 92 heavily armed soldiers.”[10] Finally, in Mozambique on March 24, 2020, a terror group allied with the Islamic State, “ransacked the strategic port city of Mocimboa da Praia. In the wake of the attack the terrorist organization “designated it a part of the so-called caliphate.”[11]
The Al Qaeda and Islamic State alliance produced terrorist attacks in multiple countries called into question counterterrorism capabilities or lapses in countries in the above countries. Leaders of these countries were shocked and angry about the loss of life that resulted from the attacks. One leader mourned the loss of lives. In Chad, after he visited the military base that was attacked, President Idris Deby issued the following statement: “I have taken part in many operations, but never in our history have we lost so many men at one time.”[12]
There is another troubling reality associated with the multipronged attacks. Analyst Bulama Bukarti asserted, “Already stretched resources currently earmarked for state security forces fighting violent extremists and the provision of healthcare and humanitarian supplies to communities in need may have to be diverted to deal with a widespread outbreak.”[13] The more attacks are launched by the joint alliance, it exposes the declining ability of states to respond to the new multifront campaign initiated by AQC and ISIS.
In response to the multipronged attacks unleashed by supporters of the Al Qaeda and the Islamic State, participant states in the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) which include Chad, Nigeria Niger launched a major offensive.[14] The operation targeted forces from Boko Haram and Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) that created a sanctuary on the Tunbuns islands of Lake Chad.[15] The results of the operation and another coed named Operation Lafiya Dole,[16] which is engaging terrorists in Northern Nigeria and launched by Nigerian troops, is designed to remove the terrorists from their sanctuaries and deliver a message: acts of terrorism will face swift and sustain counterattacks.
Trump and U.S. Counterterrorism In The Age Of A Global Pandemic
One of the harsh and sobering realities for the government of the United States is COVID-19 is already responsible for more American deaths than Al Qaeda’s heinous attack on September 11, 2001. There are additional realities that President Trump and his administration (and the American people) will have to confront. First, the U.S. deaths will likely eclipse 70, 000. Second, the coronavirus upended the once superlative American economy. As of mid-April 2020, a staggering twenty-six million Americans are unemployed. Recently, President Trump provided guidelines to reopen the American economy. These guidelines permit individual governors of each state to determine when segments of their economies are ready to emerge from “shut-down.” Third, there is another reality, terrorist groups the world over are seeking to use the pandemic to their advantage.
The focus of this section is to examine the threats and the Trump administrations response. If one examines media coverage, one could understand the focus on the domestic implications of the pandemic. Shockingly, there has been scant coverage of the national security implications associated with the pandemic.
Despite the coverage counterterrorism officials across the executive branch have prepared for all threats to the homeland. Still, the presidents critics have questioned if the Trump administration, which created a domestic task force to develop strategies to chart the path of the pandemics impact on states across the country, monitor its impact on the healthcare system, its impact on the economy, is prepared to deal with threats in the era of COVID-19 that would be launched by terrorist groups against U.S. interests (domestic and foreign).
To understand the complexity of the administration’s preparedness, on the domestic front one should be mindful the Department of Homeland Security, the FBI, and the National Counterterrorism Center issued a joint intelligence bulletin in early April 2020. The bulletin warned “grocery stores, gas stations, and even COVID-19 testing sites to know that they now could be targeted by terrorists determined to strike inside the U.S. homeland—even if such an event is unlikely.”[17] The bulletin represent a window into the capabilities of forces loyal to AQC and ISIS.
The Department of State is performing a major role during the pandemic. The critical objective of State is to ensure current anti-terror coalitions are prepared to deal any terrorist threat and most certainly one composed of entities in the joint Al Qaeda and Islamic State alliance. In an interview with The Media Line, an official with the State Department acknowledged, “While we cannot comment on specifics, terrorist groups like ISIS, Al Qaeda, and others will take advantage of whatever tools and opportunities they perceive in order to harm the United States and its allies.”[18]
To confront the challenge posed by the new terrorist matrix, members of the global coalition, according to the State Department, must be prepared to defeat the Islamic State and its affiliates, and if necessary, confront Al Qaeda and their affiliates. Similarly, diplomatic officials at State continue work to ensure the message “other multilateral counterterrorism groups [must continue] to maintain their vital international cooperation to the greatest extent possible in the current environment”[19] is impressed upon allies the world over.
In spite of the efforts, U.S. facilities have come under attack during the pandemic. Two examples are instructive. In the first example, “The U.S. … increased airstrikes against Al Shabab after the terrorists carried out a brazen raid on U.S. airbases in Manda Bay, Kenya, and Baledogle in Somalia–both in January. Three Americans, including a soldier, were killed in the Manda Bay attack.”[20]
In a second illustration, the Islamic State Khorasan (aka ISIS-Khorasan or ISIS-K) attempted to take advantage of the pandemic. ISIS-K launched a rocket attack in early April of 2020 against the largest American military facility, Bagram Air Base, in Afghanistan.[21] The attack represented the fifth attack against the base. The attack occurred one day after the government of Afghanistan, consistent with the agreement negotiated between the Trump administration and Taliban, was supposed to release 100 prisoners.
Wahida Shahkar, a spokesman for the governor in Parwan Province, which is where the U.S. base is located, made the following statement: “Foreign forces intercepted two of the rockets in the air, and the other three landed outside the base.”[22]
The ISIS-Khorasan attack represented an attempt to utilize the coronavirus crisis to their advantage. That is, the attack occurred during a period where the government of Afghanistan issued a nation-wide decree calling for lockdown of parts of the country.[23] Despite the order, Afghan security forces (and U.S. intelligence) failed to recognize the presence of a Toyota Corona vehicle which was later located in Dasht-e-Sofyan neighborhood some three miles from the base.[24] The rockets were launched from the trunk of the vehicle. There is little doubt the major issue connected to the incident is the failure of intelligence. The fact that multiple rocket attacks occurred without destroying the source of the attacks is problematic. Equally important the ISIS-K attack is basically a “copy-cat” attack consistent with the ones U.S. forces faced in Iraq from Iran-backed terrorist group Kataib Hezbollah.[25]
Africa And The Pandemic: Trump’s Response To The Joint Al Qaeda-ISIS Alliance
U.S. counterterrorism activities in Africa have been exceedingly high since the outbreak of the pandemic. Before addressing U.S. counterterrorism activities, one should be mindful the military operations were initiated in the wake of U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres appeal for a global ceasefire amid the Covid-19 pandemic.
In his message Secretary Guterres observed on April 3, 2020, “There should be only one fight in our world today, our shared battle against COVID-19. We must mobilize every ounce of energy to defeat it.”[26] The Trump administration supports the idea of a ceasefire, but argues the fact that terrorists continued to ignore the message suggests the United States must remain vigilant. The State Department did issue this statement: “The United States supports the secretary-general’s call for a global ceasefire but have noted that we will continue to fulfill our legitimate counterterrorism mission.”[27]
As to U.S. counterterrorism activities in Africa, a great starting place is the shadow war in Somalia. While Al Shabab has been conducting multiple strikes cross against AMISOM and other regional forces, along with their drive to retake territory, the U.S. military, through Africa Command (AFRICOM) has unleashed massive airstrikes the terrorist group.
The U.S. air campaign against Al Shabab is historic. During the outbreak U.S. airstrikes have exceeded 45 since the beginning of 2020. To place that statistic in context, covering the period “2009 to 2017, under Obama, peaking in 2016”[28] the U.S. government declared 36 airstrikes were launched against the terror group. In another illustration, last year the Trump administration conducted 63 airstrikes. Take collectively, there is no doubt the Trump administration will shatter last years’ total airstrikes.
On reason associated with the increased strikes, U.S. Marine Corps Brig. General Bradford J. Gering, AFRICOM’s deputy director of operations, issued this comment: “It’s our command’s responsibility to support our partners so this terrorist group can’t expand and strike the U.S. homeland as its leaders desire to do.”[29]
Chris Woods, the director of Airwars, a U.K.-based airstrike monitoring group, provided this supplemental statement: “The high tempo of U.S. air and ground operations in Somalia appears to be focused on supporting efforts by Somali government forces and its [African Union Mission in Somalia] allies to dislodge the terror group from its strongholds. There are also a significant number of strikes targeting leadership within the terror group.”[30] The tempo of airstrikes continues. On April 5, 2020, “The U.S. conducted three airstrikes targeting Al Shabab militants in the Lower Shabelle region of southern Somalia.”[31]
Outside of East Africa, the Trump administration has expressed concerned about AQC and ISIS cooperation in “West Africa’s sprawling Sahel region.”[32] U.S. Air Force Brig. General Dagvin Anderson, commander of the U.S. military’s special forces in Africa, warned “If it’s left unchecked it could very easily develop into a great threat to the West and the United States.”[33]
The threat has not yet directly impacted U.S. or the Wests interests, but Anderson argues, “It’s very destabilizing to the region.”[34] Anderson provides a detailed analysis of the threat. In his analysis he asserts Al Qaeda represents “The deeper threat both in the region and globally.”[35] That said, Anderson argues the “Islamic State is much more aggressive … and so in some ways they appear to be the greater threat. But Al Qaeda, which continues to quietly expand” remains “the longer strategic concern.”[36]
The central dilemma confronting AFRICOM and coalition allies in the region is the need to create a strategy that either delinks AQC and ISIS or consistent with the new plan implement which ensures the increase in arming and training of local forces to prepare and implement a sustained offensive that will overwhelm the affiliates of Al Qaeda and the Islamic State.
Additionally, the Trump administration must work with the government of Burkina Faso to address their security needs where a rapidly developing front in the region that includes the involvement of “Al Qaeda and ISIS-linked fighters”[37] which have launched multiple terrorist attacks.
Why is there a need for U.S. engagement? For an extended period, the local government has relied almost exclusively on French forces for security and training in confronting the challenge of the ever-expanding extremist insurgency. Local forces with French assistance have dealt with a dramatic increase in extremist attacks that began in 2017 and have soared in 2019.
There are several major subnational terrorist groups operating in the country that have upended the once peaceful democratic country. Those groups include Ansarul Islam, The Group for the Support of Islam and Muslims (GSIM) and Islamic State in the Great Sahara (ISGS).[38] One must question if French forces alone are capable of dealing with the subnational extremists forces that are receiving coordination from AQC and ISIS.
In an illustration of the coordination between the transnational entities, earlier in the year both entities with support from their local affiliated regional fighters “conducted a campaign that isolated Ouagadougou, the capital of Burkina Faso.”[39] In addition, these fighters which have loyalties to their parent groups bombed bridges and seized control of key highways in the country.
Translation, unless regional forces come to the aid of the local government, along with the assistance of French counterterrorism units (as was the case in the joint French-Malian joint mission that resulted in the death of 30 militants[40]), or direct U.S. military engagement occurs, the situation could be dire.
Analysis
As noted earlier, the new terror matrix threatens the U.S. homeland and the ability of American counterterrorism forces to assist coalition partners in Africa. Domestically, the Department of Homeland Security, FBI, and even the National Counterterrorism not only issued a joint intelligence bulletin, but they have worked with local law enforcement to combat the threats posed by the cooperation between AQC and the ISIS to take advantage of the COVID-19 pandemic.
On the international level, the Trump administration has recognized the potential of the new threat terror matrix and has worked with coalition allies to meet the challenges that have arisen from Al Qaeda, the Islamic State and a host of additional terrorist group all over the world.
Equally important the tempo of operations for AFRICOM forces in West Africa is at one of its highest levels, this includes training special operations missions, airstrikes (manned and unmanned) missions, naval, cyber, and intelligence. These capabilities are all welcome additions given the current terrorist environment.[41]
The level of operations could be at higher level, but a critical base that will operate in Niger known as Air Base 201 is largest Air Force-led construction project. The base is designated to act as hub for intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance operation in the Sahel region. The base is capable of handling landings of C-17.[42]
In the midst of the pandemic and a heightened period of operations, the Inspector General unloaded on the Air Force and AFRICOM for cost overruns, delays, bypassing Congressional notification, and oversite issues (all disputed by the Air Force and AFRICOM).[43] Despite these issues the base is a “critical need” in a time of AQC and ISIS operations in the region.
Critics raised concerns about several issues that could undermine the Trump administrations counterterrorism initiatives in the wake of the pandemic. Once President Trump removed acting Director of the National Counterterrorism Center Russell (NTC) Travers. Thus far, there is no evidence this presidential decision has disrupted or hampered the implementation of administration counterterrorism.
At another level, critics were concerned about several cancellations military exercises that could impact short term and long-term counterterrorism efforts in various parts of the region during the period of coordinated activities between Al Qaeda and the Islamic State in the era of the pandemic.
The first cancellation ended African Lion exercise which ended due to the pandemic. The exercise was scheduled from March 23-April 4, 2020 and involved three regional states Morocco, Tunisia, and Senegal. The exercise was designed to enhance stability and security on the continent.[44]
In the second event, AFRICOM cancelled Phoenix Express. The cancellation meant partner states would not participate in the planned exercise (April 5-April 18) and they were unable to engage in an exercise designed “to improve regional cooperation, maritime awareness, information sharing and operational capabilities”[45] that would enhance security in the Mediterranean Sea and territorial waters of states in North Africa.
It is understandable that due to force protection reasons and the pandemic that these exercises were cancelled. However, local forces in region have raved about previous opportunities to train with U.S. forces. The confidence building and advance training is something partner states believe are critical to capacity building and cooperation among regional states. Additionally, during a period of time of heightened AQC and ISIS violent adventurism under the shadow of the pandemic, many military officials will certainly miss the opportunity to enhance their training and cooperation with regional forces.
The other elephant in the room is during a period of enhanced terrorist activities by Al Shabab combined the implementation of the new terrorist matrix that has been unleashed through the coordinated activities of the Al Qaeda and the Islamic State, critics inside and outside the region (along with some NATO allies) are concerned the Trump administration continues to debate the potential withdrawal of U.S. forces from the region.
The evidence indicates that this is not a time for the reduction of American forces from the region. One can understand the movement of forces within the continent to regional hotspots to address to meet perceived threats. In addition, is not the case that in Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria, the withdrawal of U.S. forces is based on the recommendations of the commanders and is condition-based? One must wonder why these metrics are not applied to the potential withdrawal of U.S. forces in Africa. The future of U.S. leadership in the region during the period of the pandemic and the AQC and ISIS cooperation is at stake.
Endnotes
[1] Bridget Johnson, “How Terrorists Are Trying to Make Coronavirus More Friend Than Foe,” Homeland Security Today, April 14, 2020. https://www.hssecuritytoday.us/subject-matter-areas/counterterrorism/how-terrorists-are-trying-to-make-corronavirus-more-friend-than-foe.
[2] Clive Williams, “Terrorism in the Era COVID-19,” The Strategist, April 2020. https://www .aspistrategist.org.au/terrorism-in-the-era-of-covid-19/.
[3] Ibid.
[4] Ibid.
[5] As quoted in Thomas Joscelyn, “How Jihadists Are Reacting to the Coronavirus Pandemic,” The Dispatch, Foundation for the Defense of Democracy (FDD), April 6, 2020. https://www.fdd.org/analysis/2020/04/06/how-jihadists-are-reacting-to-the-coronavirus-pandemic/.
[6] Ibid.
[7] April 14, 2020 Africa File: The Covid 19 Pandemic Will Strengthen the Salafi Jihadi Movement in Africa,” Critical Threats, April 16, 2020. https://www.criticalthreats .org/briefs/africa-file/april-14-2020-africa-file-the-covid-19-pandemic-will-strenghten-the-salafi-jihadi-movement-in-africa.
[8] Ibid.
[9] Abu Bakr Jalloh, “Increased Terror Attacks in Africa Amid Coronavirus Amid Coronavirus Pandemic,” April 9, 2020. https://www.dw.com/en/increased-terror-attacks-in-africa-amid-coronavirus-pandemic/a-53066398.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Ibid.
[12] Ibid.
[13] Ibid.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Ibid
[16] Ibid.
[17] Mike Levine, “DHS: COVID-19 is Changing Potential Terror Targets; Grocery Stores, Even Testing Sites Should Be Vigilant,” ABC News, April 17, 2020. https://www.abcnews.go.com/Politics/dhs-covid-19-changing-potential-terror-targtes-grocery/story?id=70207079.
[18] Mike Wagenheim, “The Deadly Combination of Coroavirus and Terrorism,” The Jerusalem Post, April 10, 2020. www.jpost.com/middle-east/the-deadly-combination-of-coronavirus-and-terrorism-624218.
[19] Ibid.
[20] Abu Bakr Jalloh, “Increased Terror Attacks in Africa Amid Coronavirus Amid Coronavirus Pandemic,” April 9, 2020. https://www.dw.com/en/increased-terror-attacks-in-africa-amid-coronavirus-pandemic/a-53066398.
[21] Lucas Tomlinson and Brie Stimson, “ISIS Claims Responsibility for Attack on U.S. Base in Afghanistan,” Military.com, April 9, 2020.https://www.military.com/daily-news/2020/04/09/isis-claims-responsibility-rocket-attack-us-base-afghanistan.html.
[22] Phillip Walter Wellman, “Bagram Airfield in Afghanistan Comes Under Attack,” Stars and Stripes, April 9, 2020. https://www.stripes.com/news/middle-east/bagram-airfield-in-afghanistan-comes-under-attack-1.625408.
[23] Ibid.
[24] Ibid.
[25] “Iran Base Attack: U.S. in Retaliatory Strikes on Iran-Backed Fighters,” BBC.com, March 13, 2020. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-51865489.
[26] Nick Turse, “U.S. Airstrikes Hit All-Time High as Coronavirus Spreads in Somalia,” The Intercept, April 22, 2020. https://theintercept.com/2020/04/22/coronavirus-somalia-airstrikes/.
[27] Ibid.
[28] Ibid.
[29] Ibid.
[30] Ibid.
[31] “U.S. Targets Al-Shabaab with 3 Airstrikes Near Mubaraak, Somalia,” Defense Post, April 6, 2020. https://www.thedefensepost.com/2020/04/06/somalia-mubaraak-shabaab-airstrike/.
[32] Carley Patesch, “Al Qaeda, ISIS Affiliates Team Up in West Africa, Says U.S. Special Operations Command Africa Leader,” Military Times, February 27, 2020. https://www .militarytimes.com/news/your-military/2020/02/27/al-qaida-isis-affiliates-team-up-in-west-africa -says-us-special-operations-command-africa-leader/.
[33] Ibid.
[34] Ibid.
[35] Ibid.
[36] Ibid.
[37] Danielle Paquette and Joby Warrick, “ISIS and Al Qaeda Join Forces in West Africa,” Independent, February 23, 2020. https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/isis-al-qaeda-terror-west-africa-mali-burkina-faso-niger-a9353126.html.
[38] “Burkina Faso’s War Against Militant Islamists,” BBC News, May 30, 2019. https://www. bbc.com/news/world-africa-39279050.
[39] Ibid.
[40] [Staff Writer] “France and Mali Troops Kill 30 Militants in Major Counterterrorism Operation Near Burkina Faso Border,” Defense Post, April 10, 2019. https://www.defensepost.com/2019/ 04/10 /frace-mali-troops-kill-30-militants-gourma-operation/.
[41] Brian W. Everstine, “Inspector General Blasts USAF, AFRICOM for Niger Air Base Construction Effort,” Air Force Magazine, April 2, 2020. https://www.airforcemag.com /inspector-general-blasts-usaf-africom-for-niger-air-base-construction-effort/.
[42] Ibid.
[43] Ibid.
[44] U.S. Africa Command’s Exercise African Lion Cancelled,” United States Africa Command, March 16, 2020. https://www.africom.mil/media-room/pressrelease/32633/u-s-africa-commands-exercise-african-lion-cancelled.
[45] AFRICOM Cancels Exercise Phoenix Express, United States Africa Command, March 17, 2020. https://www.africom.mil/media-room/pressrelease/32634/africom-cancels-exercise-phoneix-express.
